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党建引领出实招 基层治理有温度——兴城市关注特殊群体细致入微_我的网站
A | 《日报》全媒体记者薛利超 王岩 周莉 崔迪
今年以来，兴城市坚持实用导向、融合导向、需求导向，聚焦关心关注老年人、失业待业人员、新业态从业人员等特殊群体，精心打造“老年助餐店”“爱心驿站”“梦想起航‘孵化巢’”，丰富城市党建服务“微载体”，让基层治理不仅有招法，更有温度。
With pressure mounting to avert a government shutdown, heightened by culture war demands from House conservatives burned by previous brawls, the House speaker faces a difficult decision – risk a shutdown or risk the gavel.
That was 2015. But 2023 is treading a similar course.
For former House Speaker John Boehner, it was the final chapter in a lengthy standoff with House conservatives that contributed to his resignation from Congress after 25 years and almost five in the top job. For current House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, just seven months into his tenure, the outcome remains an open question.
With a looming deadline to fund the government and much left to be accomplished upon Congress’ return from recess, McCarthy and other congressional leaders expressed willingness earlier this month to pass a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded, buying lawmakers more time to work out the 12 appropriations bills they’ve been pursuing. But demands from the House Freedom Caucus have complicated the effort and put McCarthy in yet another bind from the right that analysts say could be the one to put his leadership position on the line.
“This is now the most important fight he faces as speaker and the choice between kind of the campaigning arm, the House Freedom Caucus arm, and the actual governing arm of keeping a government running,” says Casey Burgat, the director of the Legislative Affairs Program at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management.
McCarthy has walked a fine line with the conservatives since the speaker battle, when they took him 15 grueling rounds before granting him his win, and in turn gained the power to bring up a vote for his ouster, lowering the threshold to just a single lawmaker.
So when the House Freedom Caucus announced it would oppose a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded unless certain conservative provisions are includes – like addressing DOJ "weaponization" and ending "woke" Pentagon policies – it prompted a confrontation with McCarthy that’s been brewing and bubbling in fits and starts for months, ready to boil over.
Such legislation would lose support among House Democrats and face steep odds in the Democrat-controlled Senate, making a shutdown likely. But without the support of conservatives on a clean continuing resolution and only a few votes to spare in the GOP narrow majority, McCarthy will likely need to rely on Democrats to approve a stop-gap measure – a move sure to provoke the hard-liners in his caucus.
“This is where his choice comes in,” Burgat says. “If he takes Democratic support, which likely he'll need to do, then that opens himself up to at least a motion to vacate because it only takes one now.”
The contours of the standoff were previewed during the debate over the debt ceiling, as House conservatives demanded controversial spending cuts and policies that put McCarthy in a difficult negotiating position with Democrats and the White House. Ultimately, Democratic votes on the debt ceiling agreement outnumbered Republicans in the House in a turn of events that infuriated some members of the House Freedom Caucus.
That same small but vocal minority – numbering in the mid-30s out of 222 Republicans in the chamber, though the caucus doesn’t publicize the exact number – made their frustration known just days later, when they blocked a routine vote, sending the chamber into a week-long gridlock. At the chamber’s reunification, McCarthy told reporters they had agreed to “sit down and talk more” in future spending negotiations. And shortly after, Republican appropriators agreed to mark up the 12 spending bills well below the levels agreed to in the debt ceiling deal in what appeared to be a major concession made to the House Freedom Caucus that has colored the funding process so far.
But this time, emboldened by the shortcomings in the last fiscal battle, they may come out with a greater show of force, as McCarthy faces what political science professor Rob Mellen Jr. calls a “no win situation.”
“I think this might be the fight they're willing to go to the mat for,” says Mellen, of the University of South Florida. “That this time if he really doesn't feel like he's going to compromise with them and give them what they want, that they may be willing to just say, ‘Hey, we'll shut this down. We'll go that direction, and we'll remove you if you go to the Democrats.’”
Members of the Freedom Caucus have for months suggested that they would be willing to let the government shut down if they don’t agree with the funding package. Indeed, for the conservatives, who largely hail from safe districts, there isn’t much to lose, as analysts note that if the government shuts down and Republicans are blamed, the conservatives won’t be on the chopping block like their colleagues in swing districts.
But some have noted that for the Freedom Caucus, perhaps armed with the understanding that their demands have little chance of becoming reality, the ultimate goal may be McCarthy’s removal after all.
“It just puts McCarthy in this bind and sort of forces his hand almost to do what he did before, which is get the government funded with Democratic votes, and in so doing, they can respond by triggering a call for his removal,” says David C. Barker, professor of government and director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University. “And I think that's what they're agitating toward. That's what they want. That's kind of what they wanted from the beginning. And they've been looking for a mechanism to do it. And I think maybe all along they've planned on this being the one.”
True to form, Rep. Ronny Jackson of Texas didn’t mince words about McCarthy’s dilemma with the Freedom Caucus last week, calling a motion to oust McCarthy “inevitable” if he continues to rely on Democrats.
“McCarthy’s going to have to listen to the people on the right or else he’s going to have to rely on the Democrats to pass this,” Jackson said on Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast. “But I’m telling you if that happens, I mean, it’s going to be detrimental to leadership in the House if they blow off the concerns of the people like myself and Freedom Caucus and some of the other people on the right that are making reasonable demands in this process – it’s going to be a problem.”
Whether McCarthy can rely on Democrats to back a CR is one thing. But whether they’ll protect his gavel is another matter altogether.
Some dynamics suggest at least some Democrats would come to his aid, like reports of a coalition of Democrats offering McCarthy a deal during the debt ceiling fight that they would help him keep his job should he responsibly raise the debt ceiling. Another calculation for Democrats is McCarthy’s possible replacement, who likely wouldn’t align more closely with their positions, making McCarthy’s retention arguably in Democrats' best interest.
But even if McCarthy survives a motion for his ouster with the help of Democrats or calls conservatives’ bluff and his speakership isn’t ultimately threatened, analysts say his hold on the conference will remain shaky and his ability to get things done stunted.
“He can only afford to lose four. And if there's 40 that are just mad at him all the time, then they're going to be reluctant to support him even if it's on things that they want to,” Burgat says. “They've proven willing to shut down the chamber even when it's run by their own party. And so, as much as he'll defang them on this one vote, he'll need them again for any Republican priorities to be passed out of the House heading into an election year.”
It’s a dynamic that haunted Boehner for years and ultimately contributed to his early departure. And the House Freedom Caucus has only grown bigger and more brash, releasing statements and listing demands publicly, while McCarthy’s margin is just a fraction of what the former speaker’s was in 2015.
“McCarthy is closer to being one of them than Boehner ever was,” Barker says. “Boehner really was more of a traditional Chamber of Commerce-type of Republican whereas McCarthy stylistically and policy-wise for some time now has been a MAGA-friendly flame thrower right in line with them. He certainly was during the Trump years. And so, you know, it just shows their willingness to eat their own.”
Unlike McCarthy, Boehner was already on his way out, planning to resign months later, when he made the decision to step down. Even then, he noted that had he not been planning to leave, he wouldn’t have done so when talk of a motion to vacate began swirling.
“It was never about the vote. There was never any doubt about whether I could survive a vote, but I don’t want my members to have to go through this, and I certainly don’t want the institution to go through this, especially when I knew I was thinking about walking out the door anyway,” he told reporters at the time.
When asked what advice he would give to McCarthy, then his presumed successor, he urged the California Republican to protect the institution. And when questioned by another reporter about whether the next speaker would ultimately face the same fate, he earnestly replied.
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“小驿站”蕴藏“大温暖”
党建引领让新就业群体融入城市家园
走进宁远街道河畔社区爱心驿站，“家”的感觉扑面而来，这里环境干净整洁、温暖舒适。休息座椅、微波炉、饮水机、医疗急救包、工具箱、报刊书籍等设施用品一应俱全，为环卫工人、外卖员、快递员等户外工作群体及过往群众提供免费服务。大家可以来这里喝水、充电、休息、阅览图书，从“小微”贴心服务做起，打造群众身边的“便民休息圈”。外卖员吴晓宇是驿站的“常客”，进门便熟练地坐到靠墙的座椅上给手机充电，“这里是我的‘紧急充电站’，以前送餐的时候可没这好地方，现在这儿不仅可以给手机充电，还可以给饭加热，自己也能休息一下，方便多了。”
目前，兴城市结合快递小哥、外卖骑手活动轨迹等重点区域，按照就近就便原则，利用社区党群服务中心场地建设爱心驿站6处，让更多的户外劳动者有需求时能够找到驿站、找到组织，解决他们的“小事情”“小难题”。
B | 同时，快递员、外卖员等新业态群体也主动参与到社区治理中来，做社区“流动网格员”“兼职信息员”，为社区矛盾调处、安全隐患排查、环境整治等工作献计出力。今年以来，他们向社区提出的意见中有38条被采纳。 “小食堂”彰显“大爱心” 党建引领让老年人安享幸福晚年 今年以来，兴城市深入推进老年助餐暖心工程，鼓励各类市场主体参与老年助餐服务，探索“党建引领+餐饮企业+老年助餐+志愿服务”的模式，建立老年助餐服务的长效机制。? 临近中午时分，贺大娘老年助餐店内饭菜飘香，20余种荤素搭配的菜肴可随意挑选。这是为65周岁以上老年人提供的助老午餐，每位老人享受全部菜品7折优惠。“在这里吃饭环境好，每天饭菜还不重样，又很方便，钱存在卡里后，过来刷一下就行了，都不用每次掏钱。”在这里用餐的老人刘永高兴地说。 截至目前，兴城市共建立老年助餐点6个，提供“堂食+上门助餐”服务1000余人次，在餐饮加工关键环节实施“明厨亮灶”，接受公众监督，有效解决了老人做饭难、吃饭难问题，让子女在外放心、老人在家暖心。 “小巢穴”解决“大问题” 党建引领让失业待业人员重启职业航程 兴城市致力于打造充分就业社区，搭建梦想起航“孵化巢”，通过精细化网格管理，了解辖区居民、毕业未就业大学生情况，建立就业管理台账。
C | 居住在温泉社区的李辰，近期因为失业断了生活来源，心情焦虑，情绪急躁，经常与妻子发生口角，邻里相处也不愉快。社区网格员得知后，第一时间上门了解具体情况。将李辰的个人信息、擅长领域等仔细登记，再与锦晟驾校要求进行匹配，很快便帮助李辰在驾校找到了合适工作。李辰感激地说，“多亏了社区的帮助，让我的生活又回到了正常轨道，心情敞亮多了。
D | ” 兴城市集合社区、街道力量与市委组织部、市人社局、市就业中心、市人才中心和辖区企业联系，开展联合招聘会，组建社区就业信息微信群，及时将就业信息精准推送，对辖区内“零就业”家庭进行帮扶，为6名居民找到了工作岗位。
E | 把党组织的作用发挥好，把老百姓的需求解决好，是破解基层治理难题的关键。创新工作思路、丰富工作内容，以各具亮点的党建服务“微载体”打造，有效激发基层治理“红色效能”，让特殊群体感受到实实在在的温暖和关怀，使兴城市服务特殊群体举措更具体，更有“力量”和“温度”。接下来，兴城市将结合“我为群众办实事”“幸福新社区创建”等活动，进一步完善养老服务体系，优化新就业群体服务体系，健全就业帮扶体系，全面提升基层服务水平，实现城市建设成果人人共享，不断增强人民群众的获得感、幸福感、安全感。
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Published on:12:42:19